Research issues

Afrikaans influence: The argument

Since L1 CFE may be described as a “language-shift variety”, the issue arises of the potential influence on it of (Cape Vernacular) Afrikaans. However, demonstrating such influence is not always straightforward.

Lass and Wright (1986) argue that most of the features of L1 ‘white’ SAfE phonology commonly believed to stem from the influence of Afrikaans can be shown to have a probable or at least possible origin in the varieties of British English brought to South Africa in the 19^th century – although it could still be argued that the influence of Afrikaans in these cases is likely to have been a reinforcing one. Since most of the features occurring in CFE are also found in white L1 varieties of SAfE – especially Extreme SAfE – it is difficult to argue unambiguously for Afrikaans influence. Nevertheless, some cases remain where a very clear case for such influence can be made.

Thus, the features mentioned above may be categorized in terms of probable origin, as follows:

(a) Probable primarily input feature from varieties of British English (including BrE archaisms /regionalisms):

(i) ONE-Rounding; DANCE-Fronting

(ii) NURSE realized as [з:] [ø]

(iii) FLEECE [i:]

(iv) THOUGHT /NORTH /FORCE-Raising

(v) CHOICE Onset Raising

(vi) NEAR-Monoph thongisation (some cases)

(vii) SQUARE-Monophthongisation

(viii) CURE-Monoph thong isation

(ix) happY-lengthening

(x) lettER realized as [ə], [з], [ɐ] 

(xi) Stress-Shift

(b) Probable or possible BrE input feature reinforced by CVA:

(i) At least some cases of vowel retraction before /l/ (especially with iotacisation)

(ii) STRUT-Lowering

(iii) Markedly peripheral FOOT, GOOSE

(iv) BATH/PALM/START-Fronting

(v) LOT-, CLOTH-Raising

(vi) FACE, GOAT Onset Centralization

(vii) NEAR-monophthongisation (some cases)

(viii) B-Fricativisation (ix) Final-Obstruent Devoicing

(x) Initial Stop De-aspiration

(xi) Dental T, D; Obstruent-/r/

(xii) Dark /l/

(xiii) Non-Reduction

(c) Probable internal development/BrE input feature reinforced by CVA:

(i) South African Short Front Vowel Shift, involving KIT/DRESS/ TRAP-Raising

(ii) KIT-Split; Consonant Cluster Reduction

(d) Probable internal development: Antedental /f/

(e) Probable (near-)direct transfer from CVA:

(i) LOT-Raising

(ii) Markedly peripheral offglides in rising diphthongs (PRICE, MOUTH, FACE, GOAT, CHOICE)

(iii) TH-Stopping

(iv) Sibilant Confusion

(v) Hushing/Hissing Substitution

(vi) /h/ as [ɦ]

(vii) Initial /g/, /ʤ/ Devoicing

(viii) Final-Nasal Elision

(ix) ‘Hard Attack’/Hiatus-Filling based on [ʔ]

(f) Probable interlanguage feature (new intermediate form):

(i) Canadian Raising in PRICE, MOUTH, and possible similar phenomena in FACE and GOAT

(ii) NURSE as [ə(:)] [ɐ:] , [ɒ:ə]

(iii) Hushing Fricative Backing