The nature and nurture of gifts and talents

Closely related to these discussions of conceptions of giftedness and talent is the question of the source of such high ability. For many people, the most able pupils in schools are those who have been fortunately endowed by genetics. However, while it is very difficult to discount the role of innate abilities, there is mounting evidence that acquired personal and environmental factors contribute significantly.

Recent research increasingly highlights the central role of practice in the realization of high ability. At one level, this seems a perfectly obvious finding, but many people seem to hold an implicit, unquestioned theory that talented individuals are qualitatively different from the rest of the population, so that they appear to realize extraordinary achievement without the hard work and effort required by the rest of us (Howe, 2001). Shermer (2001) calls this the ‘Amadeus Myth’, which he defines as ‘the belief that genius and original creations are produced by mysterious mental miracles limited to a special few’ (ibid.: 263). In fact, nowadays, we are more likely to attribute such powers to genetics than to miracles, and the appearance of extremely high-level performers like Mozart is often explained away in terms of some convergence of innate mechanisms (Winner, 1996).

Empirical research does not support the Amadeus Myth. This is not to deny the contribution that genetics makes to human development. However, rather than determining outcomes, genetics seems to provide ‘a range of possibilities’ (Shermer, 2001: 95), and the scope for development within this range is potentially vast. In this context, gifted and talented education plays a vital role in creating the conditions that will allow individuals to realize their biological potential.

Perkins (1981) claims that the appearance of certain individuals acquiring skills at a faster rate than others is more readily explained by sustained but unobserved practice. He is supported in this claim by studies showing a pattern in the time necessary to progress from beginner to expert in an activity. Hayes (cited in Abbott et al., 2002) demonstrated that all major composers without exception have required at least ten years of concentrated training in order to reach their high level of mastery. And Raskin (cited in Abbott et al., 2002) reviewed the careers of important scientists, poets and authors, and concluded that an average of ten years elapsed between first work and best work.

If practice of an activity is so fundamental to the development of high levels of ability in that activity, one would expect that personal and environmental factors facilitative of practice would also be significant. This does seem to be the case. So, we find that many children showing signs of high ability in the early years do not achieve high levels of performance in later life (Tannenbaum, 1992), and this seems to be often due to an inadequate or inappropriate social environment (Perleth et al., 2000).

One aspect of the talented child’s environment that has been the focus of a considerable amount of research from a wide variety of domains is the family (e.g., Freeman, 2001). In his study of 120 musicians, artists, athletes, mathematicians and scientists, Bloom (1985: 3) found

strong evidence that no matter what the initial characteristics (or gifts) of the individuals, unless there is a long and intensive process of encouragement, nurturance, education and training, the individuals will not attain extreme levels of capability in these particular fields.

As Kay (2000: 151) sums the matter up, within the context of elite sport, ‘Children are simply much more likely to achieve success if they come from a certain type of family.’

There are other variables, too, that can increase or decrease the likelihood of the emergence of gifts or talents, such as schooling, the formation of friendship groups and socio-economic status (Ziegler and Heller, 2000). If chance means that such factors are fortuitous, the likelihood of developing one’s abilities is increased significantly. If they are not, then one’s gifts and talents may go forever unrealized. Atkinson (1978: 221) captured the situation nicely when he wrote that all human accomplishment can be ascribed to ‘two crucial rolls of the dice over which no individual exerts any personal control. These are the accidents of birth and background. One roll of the dice determines an individual’s heredity; the other his formative environment.’

There is a positive side to this situation, too. It is that, genetics aside, there is a great deal that can be done to improve children’s life chances. School, in particular, and the adults that work there, can play important roles in searching for individuals’ (often hidden) gifts and talents, and then supporting and fostering them. Indeed, the assumption that schools can play such a role is implicit within a great deal of recent government policy in the area of gifted and talented education.

مواضيع ذات صلة

Interventions Poor coordination

Mental health issues

Diagnosis

Causation

Incidence

How does an ASD affect the individual?

Supporting the inclusion and achievement of learners with Autistic Spectrum Disorders (ASD)

Gifted and talented education Key issues

Meeting the needs of gifted and talented pupils

Excellence

Value

Achievement